Who really controls Kurdistan’s gas? The Dana Gas deal, the KRG’s silence and the hidden cost of selling energy to Iraq

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By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis      A $2.239 billion arbitration settlement, a contract running until 2049, expanded rights for Pearl Petroleum and a new battle over gas sales to Baghdad are raising uncomfortable questions about who ultimately controls Kurdistan’s most strategic natural resource. The latest dispute over Khor Mor gas is exposing a much deeper problem in the Kurdistan Region’s energy sector: the public still does not appear to have a clear picture of who controls the region’s gas, who is authorized to sell it, and how much of its future value has already been committed to private companies. At the center of the controversy is Pearl Petroleum, the consortium led by Dana Gas and Crescent Petroleum, and a settlement agreement reached with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) on August 30, 2017. Kurdistan Parliament member Kawa Sheikh Ali has now sharply criticized that agreement, asking why a government would effectively commit its natural ...

Trump, Kurds, and the Ground War That Never (Quite) Happened: What Really Went Down in March 2026?

 Trump’s Mixed Signals on Kurdish Forces Leave Ground Offensive in Iran Unlaunched


ERBIL, April 6, 2026 – In early March, U.S. President Donald Trump briefly appeared to endorse a Kurdish ground offensive into Iran before quickly ruling it out, leaving Iranian Kurdish groups without the full U.S. backing some had anticipated as the war with Tehran entered its second month.Trump’s contradictory statements came amid intense U.S. and Israeli airstrikes on Iranian territory, including areas in western Iran with large Kurdish populations. Reports indicated the CIA had begun arming some Kurdish factions, while Israeli strikes targeted Iranian border positions, apparently to facilitate potential cross-border movements.On March 5, Trump told Reuters he viewed a possible Kurdish military action positively. “I think it’s wonderful that they want to do that, I’d be all for it,” he said when asked about Iranian Kurdish groups potentially entering the fight against the regime.Just two days later, aboard Air Force One on March 7, Trump reversed course. “We’re very friendly with the Kurds, as you know, but we don’t want to make the war any more complex than it already is. I have ruled that out, I don’t want the Kurds going in,” he told reporters. He added that Washington did not want to see Kurdish fighters “get hurt or killed.”The episode highlighted the delicate position of both Iraqi and Iranian Kurdish actors in the broader conflict that began with U.S.-Israeli strikes on February 28.Phone Calls and Early EnthusiasmTrump spoke by phone with senior Iraqi Kurdish leaders Masoud Barzani and Bafel Talabani in early March to discuss the war and potential next steps. Iraqi Kurds maintain close ties with Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, many of which are based in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.The Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan (CPFIK), formed on February 22 by major parties including the PDKI, PJAK, Komala, PAK and Khabat, had signaled readiness to challenge Tehran. The alliance outlined goals of overthrowing the Islamic Republic and advancing Kurdish self-determination.U.S. and Israeli officials reportedly explored options for Kurdish groups to seize border areas in provinces such as West Azerbaijan and Kermanshah, stretching Iranian forces thin. Israeli strikes in western Iran were linked by sources to these plans.KRG Insists on NeutralityIraqi Kurdish leaders repeatedly stressed that the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) would not allow its territory to be used as a launchpad against Iran.KRG President Nechirvan Barzani told Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi that the region “will not be part of the conflicts” and would remain “a factor of peace.” He emphasized that KRG territory would not become a source of threat to Iran or neighboring countries.Both the KDP and PUK leadership, including Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani, reaffirmed neutrality, denying any role in arming or facilitating cross-border operations. Barzani described protecting the region from being drawn into the war as a top priority.Despite the rhetoric, Iran and pro-Iranian militias in Iraq launched repeated missile and drone attacks on the Kurdistan Region, targeting Erbil International Airport, U.S. facilities and other sites. Kurdish officials reported civilian casualties and infrastructure damage from these retaliatory strikes.Later Claims and Lingering QuestionsIn recent days, Trump has claimed the United States sent weapons intended for Iranian protesters through Kurdish channels, but suggested the Kurds kept them instead of delivering them. He told Fox News: “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them through the Kurds, and I think the Kurds kept them.”Kurdish sources have not publicly confirmed or denied the allegation. The KRG has continued to reject any direct involvement in the conflict.Analysts say the episode underscores the limits of proxy strategies in the complex regional landscape. Fears of escalation, Turkish sensitivities regarding Kurdish movements, and concerns that a Kurdish offensive could rally Persian nationalist support for Tehran appear to have influenced the U.S. decision to step back.As the war continues with ongoing airstrikes, the “ground war that never (quite) happened” has left Iranian Kurdish groups operating largely on their own while the KRG focuses on shielding its autonomy and population from spillover violence.
Reporting by Pshtiwan Reports  in Sulaimani.
This article draws on public statements and multiple media reports. Some details of intelligence discussions remain unconfirmed.

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