Abdul El-Sayed defies $60 Million campaign against him, wins Michigan Democratic Senate Primary

Image
  By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis Despite massive spending by outside groups and high-profile endorsements for his opponent, Abdul El-Sayed secured a decisive Democratic Senate primary victory and now heads into a closely watched November showdown. Abdul El-Sayed has scored one of the most closely watched political upsets of the 2026 election cycle, defeating Representative Haley Stevens in Michigan's Democratic Senate primary despite facing more than $60 million in outside spending , much of it from pro-Israel political groups. The victory marks a significant breakthrough for the progressive wing of the Democratic Party and sets up a high-stakes general election contest against Republican Mike Rogers in November. El-Sayed's campaign prevailed even after Stevens received late endorsements from Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer and influential national Democrats, including Representative James Clyburn . Those endorsements failed to reverse momentum behind El-S...

The Coordination Framework may be collapsing : Maliki Launches a New Front Against Baghdad’s Power Structure


The Iraqi State Is Entering a New Phase of Internal Conflict and Baghdad’s ruling order is beginning to fracture from within — and the battle is no longer between government and opposition, but between rival centers of power inside the Iraqi state itself.

By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj

Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan — 16 May 2026
Label: 

The collapse of trust inside Iraq’s Shiite political establishment is creating a dangerous new era of elite fragmentation, judicial influence, militia rivalry, and hidden political warfare that could redefine Baghdad’s future.

Iraq’s political order is entering a dangerous new phase as Nouri al-Maliki and a growing protest front challenge Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani’s coalition. Deep Shiite divisions, judicial influence, and elite power struggles are reshaping Baghdad’s future.

The formation of the new Iraqi government and Thursday's disputes in parliament have complicated the political arena.

The map of political polarization in Baghdad is moving towards a radical change, which will create problems for the government on the one hand, and on the other hand will create a new stage of political struggle.

Nuri al-Maliki is angry

The main source of these new tensions is the deprivation of some parties of ministerial posts and lack of confidence in some ministers. Nuri al-Maliki, the leader of the rule of law coalition, is angry and worried after his proposed ministers were not given confidence, so he has launched an intensive political movement behind the scenes and wants to upset the balance of power.

The consequences of this anger quickly became apparent; In the first internal explosion of the prime minister's coalition, Faleh Fayyad (Sumarian Movement leader) and Ahmed al-Assad (National Agreement leader), along with a number of lawmakers, announced their separation from the Sudanese-led "Reconstruction and Development Coalition.

The separatist front said in a statement that they decided to withdraw due to the events that occurred in yesterday's session of parliament, which was a clear violation of political and organizational agreements, and because of the policy of ignoring some people's representatives; Because the procedures followed are not in line with the principles of democracy.”

The opposing parties

According to reports, the Iraqi political arena is currently divided into two main fronts, Maliki's new front and the protesting front, who are leading a massive movement to form an opposing front. So far, several leaders have joined the front, including Faleh Fayyaz, Ahmed al-Assad, Musana Samarai and Mohsen al-Mandelawi and Hadi al-Amiri, Maliki's efforts to attract more parties to the front continue.

The other front, which currently dominates the executive and legislative branches in Iraq, is indirectly led by Fayeq Zaydan, the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. The front, which has won the formation of the government and the election of the speaker of parliament, consists of Qais al-Khazzali, Mohammed Halbusi, Mohammed Shia Sudani, the Ptriotic Union of Kurdistan (Bavel Talabani), The Babylionian Movement of Rayan Chaldeani and several other parties.

The Future of the Coordination Framework

This deep division and the Shiite factions have reached a deep level, so that observers believe that the age of the "coordination framework" as the umbrella that unites the Shiite household is coming to an end. "There is no such thing as political ethics in Iraq. Formal agreements are made, but then the opposite is followed during implementation," a source close to the rule of law coalition told local news channel.

"Iraq is currently in the hands of people who are not expected to do so and have no political experience, mostly young people, which completely weakens Iraq's political position and weight at the domestic and foreign levels," the source said

For years, Iraq’s political system survived through fragile compromise.

Shiite factions competed behind closed doors. Sunni blocs negotiated for influence. Kurdish parties balanced between Baghdad and Erbil. Iran maintained leverage across all camps. And the so-called “Coordination Framework” functioned as the umbrella mechanism preventing total fragmentation inside Iraq’s Shiite political house. That era may now be ending.

The formation of Iraq’s new government and the explosive disputes that erupted inside parliament this week have exposed something far deeper than ordinary political disagreement: a structural fracture within the core of Iraq’s ruling elite. What is emerging in Baghdad is not simply a parliamentary dispute over ministries. It is the beginning of a new political war over who truly controls the Iraqi state. And at the center of this earthquake stands Nouri al-Maliki.

Maliki’s Anger Signals a Much Bigger Crisis

According to multiple political sources, Maliki became increasingly furious after several ministers linked to his faction failed to receive parliamentary confidence during the government formation process. For most political systems, this would be routine coalition bargaining. In Iraq, however, ministerial control is power itself. Ministries mean:

  • access to patronage networks,
  • financial influence,
  • security leverage,
  • intelligence access,
  • contracts,
  • employment distribution,
  • and long-term political survival.

To lose ministries in Baghdad is not simply to lose prestige.
It is to lose strategic territory inside the state. Maliki reportedly responded by launching intense behind-the-scenes political negotiations aimed at reshaping the balance of power. And almost immediately, the first cracks appeared inside Prime Minister Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani’s governing alliance.

The First Internal Explosion

The political rupture became public when several important figures announced their withdrawal from Sudani’s “Reconstruction and Development Coalition.” The defectors included:

  • Faleh al-Fayyad,
  • Ahmed al-Assadi,
  • alongside multiple parliamentarians and factional allies.

Their statement accused the ruling coalition of violating political agreements, marginalizing partners, and abandoning democratic principles. But beneath the language of procedure lies a much darker reality. The Iraqi elite no longer trusts itself. The system that once distributed influence among competing factions is beginning to break apart under the pressure of ambition, mistrust, generational rivalry, militia politics, and external influence.

Iraq Is Splitting Into Two Rival Power Axes

The political arena in Baghdad is now increasingly organized around two competing fronts.

1. Maliki’s Emerging Opposition Axis

The first camp revolves around Maliki and a growing coalition of dissatisfied factions attempting to build a counterweight against the current ruling structure. Figures reportedly associated with this front include:

  • Faleh al-Fayyad,
  • Ahmed al-Assadi,
  • Hadi al-Amiri,
  • Musana Samarai,
  • Mohsen al-Mandalawi,
  • and additional actors dissatisfied with the current distribution of power.

This front is not ideological. It is transactional, strategic, and survival-oriented. Its objective is clear: to prevent the consolidation of a new ruling center that excludes older pillars of Iraq’s post-2003 Shiite establishment.

2. The New Governing Axis Around Sudani

The second camp currently dominates Iraq’s executive and legislative institutions.

This bloc revolves around:

  • Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani,
  • Qais al-Khazali,
  • Mohammed al-Halbousi,
  • the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan under Bafel Talabani,
  • the Babylon Movement,
  • and several allied factions.

But perhaps the most important figure in this network is not a militia leader or party chief. It is Faeq Zaidan. Increasingly, Iraqi observers believe Iraq’s judiciary is no longer merely an institution overseeing the political process — but one of the central pillars shaping it. This marks a profound transformation in Iraq’s post-2003 order. The struggle is no longer only military or parliamentary. It is institutional.

The Coordination Framework May Be Dying

For years, the “Coordination Framework” acted as the mechanism preventing open Shiite fragmentation after the fall of Muqtada al-Sadr’s parliamentary project. It united rival factions under a common necessity: maintaining Shiite political dominance while avoiding total internal war.

But today that framework appears weaker than ever. The current divisions are not tactical disagreements. They are existential.

Some factions fear exclusion.
Others fear irrelevance.
Some fear judicial restructuring.
Others fear militia isolation.
And nearly all fear losing influence in a rapidly changing Iraqi state.

What once looked like a unified Shiite political house increasingly resembles competing power centers temporarily occupying the same building.

Iraq’s Young Political Class Is Changing the Rules

One source close to the State of Law Coalition summarized the crisis bluntly:

“There is no political ethics in Iraq anymore. Agreements are made formally, but the opposite happens during implementation.”

That statement reflects a growing perception among Iraq’s older political generation:
that a younger and less predictable class of operators is now reshaping the system. This transition matters enormously. Post-2003 Iraq was built by leaders forged through exile, insurgency, sectarian war, and ideological struggle. Today, however, many of Iraq’s emerging political actors are products of patronage networks, institutional bureaucracy, militia economics, and media influence rather than revolutionary legitimacy. The result is a political system becoming simultaneously more fragmented and more unstable.

Why This Crisis Matters Beyond Baghdad

This is not simply an Iraqi domestic dispute. The fragmentation of Iraq’s ruling structure has regional consequences. A weaker and internally divided Baghdad could:

  • increase Iranian competition inside Iraqi politics,
  • intensify militia rivalry,
  • weaken state institutions,
  • deepen Sunni-Shiite mistrust,
  • complicate Kurdish-Baghdad negotiations,
  • and create new openings for regional powers to intervene indirectly.

For the Kurdistan Region, these developments are especially important. Every major fracture in Baghdad reshapes:

  • budget negotiations,
  • oil disputes,
  • disputed territories,
  • security coordination,
  • and Kurdish leverage inside the Iraqi system.

The future political map of Iraq may now depend less on elections and more on which elite coalition can survive the coming struggle for institutional control.

Iraq’s Political War Has Already Begun

What happened inside parliament this week was not an isolated crisis. It was the visible beginning of a deeper restructuring process already underway beneath the surface of the Iraqi state. The alliances that governed Iraq for years are cracking. Old power balances are collapsing. New centers of influence are emerging. And the political map of Baghdad is being redrawn in real time. The danger is not merely instability.

The danger is that Iraq may be entering a new era where power is no longer managed through consensus — but through permanent internal confrontation between rival institutions, militias, judicial actors, and political fronts competing for control of the state itself. And once that process begins, it becomes very difficult to stop.

#Iraq #Baghdad #MiddleEast #Maliki #Sudani #Geopolitics #Kurdistan #Iran #PMF #ShiitePolitics #IraqiPolitics #NewsOnTheRocks #WarOnTheRocks #KurdishPolicyAnalysis


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Lindsey Graham Passing Reshapes Republican Foreign Policy—and Raises Questions for the Kurds

Lindsey Graham's Death Leaves a Void in US-Kurdish Relations

Can the stateless Nation of Kurdistan help save the Global Order?