By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj

Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan — 25 May 2026

As Iraq’s post-Eid political battle intensifies, the judiciary chief is emerging at the center of a high-stakes struggle involving the White House, Iran-backed factions, Kurdish parties, and Nouri al-Maliki’s fading network.

The Trump administration is reportedly backing Iraqi judiciary chief Fayeq Zaydan as a new power broker in Baghdad, triggering fears of a deep political realignment involving Sudani, Qais al-Khazali, the PUK, and Nouri al-Maliki.

Trump’s Search for a New Iraqi Partner

For years, Washington’s Iraq strategy relied on familiar political figures — men who could balance Iran, negotiate with the United States, and preserve Iraq’s fragile state structure without triggering total collapse. But as Iraq enters another volatile phase of elite competition, a new name is reportedly emerging inside American calculations: Fayeq Zaydan.

According to informed Iraqi political sources and regional briefing, the Trump administration is quietly monitoring — and potentially supporting — Zaydan’s growing role inside Baghdad’s power structure. The regional briefing and sources claim Washington increasingly views the judiciary chief as someone capable of implementing key American demands while navigating Iraq’s deeply fragmented political system.

The implications are enormous. Unlike traditional Iraqi politicians, Zaydan is not formally a party leader, militia commander, or parliamentary figure. Instead, he sits atop Iraq’s judicial establishment — a position that theoretically represents institutional neutrality but, in practice, has become deeply intertwined with Iraq’s post-2003 political order. Now, as alliances shift and rival blocs prepare for a fierce post-holiday confrontation, Zaydan may be transforming from judge into kingmaker.

The Ahmad Chalabi Parallel

One of the most striking elements emerging from Iraqi political circles is the comparison between Zaydan and Ahmad Chalabi — the controversial Iraqi exile once championed by Washington before the 2003 invasion. The comparison is revealing.

Chalabi enjoyed strong support from elements within the White House and Pentagon, who viewed him as a useful architect for a post-Saddam Iraq. But the CIA reportedly distrusted him, fearing he manipulated American policymakers while pursuing his own ambitions and regional relationships. Sources now suggest a similar divide may be emerging around Zaydan.

According to insiders, parts of the Trump camp reportedly see Zaydan as a stabilizing institutional figure capable of advancing American interests inside Iraq’s fractured system. Yet skepticism allegedly exists within segments of the US intelligence community, where concerns persist over his relationships with Iran-aligned actors and competing Iraqi factions. Whether these reports reflect reality or political messaging, the symbolism matters. In Iraq, perceptions often become political weapons long before facts are verified. And the perception now circulating is clear: Washington may be searching for a new Iraqi intermediary as old alliances begin to fracture.

The Emerging Anti-Maliki Front

At the center of this developing struggle is an increasingly visible political alignment reportedly supported by Zaydan. According to Iraqi political sources, the emerging front includes:

• Mohammed Shia al-Sudani
• Qais al-Khazali
• Mohammed al-Halbousi
• Patriotic Union of Kurdistan

Together, this coalition appears designed to counter the influence of former prime minister Nouri al-Maliki and his entrenched political machinery.

The alliance itself is unusual. Sudani represents Iraq’s sitting premiership and a delicate balancing act between Washington and Tehran. Khazali remains one of Iraq’s most influential Iran-aligned militia figures. Halbousi seeks a Sunni political comeback after years of political isolation. The PUK continues maneuvering to preserve influence inside Baghdad while competing with the KDP for Kurdish leverage. Under ordinary circumstances, these actors would struggle to coexist politically. But Iraqi politics is increasingly defined less by ideology and more by survival. And right now, many factions appear united by a shared objective: preventing Maliki’s political resurgence.

Parliament Sends a Warning Shot

The struggle became more visible during recent parliamentary moves targeting ministers associated with rival blocs. According to Iraqi insiders, no-confidence efforts against ministers tied to Maliki’s coalition, Sunni factions, and the Kurdistan Democratic Party were intended as more than routine political pressure. They were a strategic signal. The message, according to one source, was blunt:

“The next phase of Iraq will be completely different.”

This reflects a broader reality inside Baghdad: Iraq’s political system is entering another restructuring phase, where old balances are weakening and new coalitions are forming around access to state institutions, oil revenues, judiciary influence, and security networks. The judiciary’s role in this process is particularly sensitive. Since 2003, Iraq’s courts have increasingly become decisive arenas for settling political disputes — from election results and constitutional interpretations to corruption cases and government formation battles. Whoever influences the judiciary can significantly shape Iraq’s political future. That is precisely why Zaydan’s growing visibility matters.

Maliki Strikes Back

But Nouri al-Maliki is not retreating quietly. Sources indicate Maliki’s bloc quickly recognized the threat posed by the emerging coalition and responded by attempting to fracture Sudani’s political base from within. Iraqi political maneuvering has now reportedly intensified behind closed doors as competing factions race to consolidate allies before the next decisive phase. Maliki still retains substantial advantages:

• Deep networks inside state institutions
• Longstanding ties with elements of the Popular Mobilization Forces
• Influence within sections of the judiciary and bureaucracy
• Decades of political survival experience

Even weakened, he remains one of Iraq’s most formidable political operators. For many Iraqi factions, the fear is not merely Maliki’s return to dominance — but the possibility that Iraq could descend into another cycle of institutional paralysis and factional escalation.

Washington’s Real Objective

The broader American calculation may have less to do with personalities and more to do with structure. The Trump administration’s primary concern in Iraq is unlikely to be democratic reform or internal reconciliation. Instead, Washington’s priorities remain familiar:

• Preventing complete Iranian domination of Baghdad
• Preserving Iraq’s energy stability
• Maintaining counterterrorism cooperation
• Protecting US regional influence
• Preventing Iraq’s institutions from collapsing into open militia rule

From this perspective, figures like Zaydan may appear useful because they operate within state institutions rather than outside them. But that strategy carries risks. Backing institutional power brokers in Iraq has historically produced unintended consequences. Leaders initially viewed as stabilizers often evolve into independent centers of power with agendas far beyond Washington’s control. The Chalabi comparison is therefore more than historical nostalgia — it is a warning.

Iraq’s Next Political Earthquake

What happens after the Eid period could determine Iraq’s political trajectory for years. If the anti-Maliki coalition solidifies, Iraq may witness a major restructuring of elite power networks involving the judiciary, parliament, Sunni factions, Kurdish actors, and Iran-aligned groups. Such a realignment could weaken some traditional players while empowering newer cross-sectarian arrangements built around political pragmatism rather than ideology.

But if Maliki successfully fractures the coalition, Baghdad could enter another prolonged phase of political deadlock, elite revenge campaigns, and institutional warfare.

Either way, the struggle is no longer simply about cabinet seats or parliamentary arithmetic. It is about who will control the Iraqi state itself in the post-ISIS, post-Soleimani, and potentially post-Iran nuclear deal era. And increasingly, one of the most important figures in that battle may not be a militia commander or elected politician — but a judge.

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