From the shadows to supreme power: why Iran chose Ahmad Vahidi to lead its confrontation with the United States

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By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis Who Is Ahmad Vahidi? The Secretive IRGC Commander now shaping Iran's confrontation with the United States From the founding of the Quds Force to commanding the Revolutionary Guards, Ahmad Vahidi's rise signals a new era in Iran's military-led decision-making. As Tehran braces for a prolonged confrontation with Washington, one of Iran's most secretive and hardline military figures has emerged at the center of power—signaling a dramatic shift in how the Islamic Republic intends to wage its geopolitical struggle. Who is Ahmad Vahidi? Explore the rise of Iran's IRGC commander and how his growing influence could reshape Tehran's strategy toward the United States and the Middle East. For decades, Ahmad Vahidi remained largely behind the scenes, shaping Iran's military doctrine and regional strategy away from the public spotlight. Today, however, he stands at the heart of Iran's national security apparatus, overs...

How the PUK is quietly expanding its influence across Iraq while the KDP struggles to rebuild trust?


By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis
 

A mobile hospital in Karbala during Arbaeen may appear to be a humanitarian initiative, but it also illustrates how the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan is employing soft power to strengthen relationships with Iraq's Shiite political and social networks.

The PUK's humanitarian outreach during Arbaeen highlights its growing use of soft power to strengthen ties with Iraqi political actors, contrasting with the KDP's more difficult relationship with Baghdad.

For years, political competition between the Kurdistan Region's two dominant parties—the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP)—has largely been viewed through the lens of their rivalry inside Kurdistan. Increasingly, however, an equally important contest is unfolding beyond the region's borders: the struggle to cultivate influence within Iraq itself.

A recent humanitarian initiative offers an illustration of this broader trend. During the annual Arbaeen pilgrimage in Karbala, one of the largest religious gatherings in the world, PUK commando units reportedly established a mobile hospital to provide medical assistance to pilgrims commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussein. On the surface, the initiative was humanitarian in nature, offering healthcare to millions of visitors travelling to Iraq's holy city. Yet politically, the symbolism is difficult to ignore.

The initiative represents more than a medical service. It reflects an increasingly sophisticated strategy by the PUK to deepen engagement with Iraqi society through community-level outreach rather than relying solely on elite political negotiations. By participating in one of Shiite Islam's most significant religious events, the PUK projects an image of solidarity, partnership, and respect toward Iraq's Shiite majority. Such gestures often resonate far beyond the event itself, circulating widely on Arabic-language social media and news platforms as evidence that the party is a constructive partner rather than an adversary.

This approach illustrates an important aspect of soft power in Iraqi politics. Trust is often built not only through parliamentary alliances or government negotiations but also through symbolic acts that demonstrate goodwill toward ordinary citizens. Humanitarian initiatives, disaster relief, medical assistance, and participation in nationally significant events can help reshape perceptions over time. For the PUK, visibility among everyday Iraqis may gradually translate into stronger political acceptance among influential Shiite parties and institutions that dominate Baghdad's political landscape.

The PUK's broader strategy has, in recent years, focused on expanding relationships simultaneously at both the national and provincial levels. While maintaining its traditional connections with major Shiite political factions in Baghdad, it has also sought engagement with local authorities, tribal leaders, security institutions, and civil society organisations across Iraq. This multi-layered approach creates multiple channels of communication that extend beyond formal government structures.

By contrast, the KDP has faced greater challenges in broadening its political reach inside federal Iraq. Although it remains the dominant political force in Erbil and Duhok and continues to play a central role in Kurdish politics, rebuilding trust among many Iraqi political actors—particularly within segments of the Shiite political establishment—has proven more difficult.

Several factors contribute to this challenge. The KDP's disputes with Baghdad over oil exports, federal budget allocations, disputed territories, and constitutional interpretations have frequently placed the party at the centre of highly polarised political debates. These disputes have often been amplified through Iraqi media, where Kurdish political messaging is sometimes portrayed as confrontational or as challenging Iraqi state authority.

Arabic-language media affiliated with rival political groups frequently circulates KDP statements as evidence of adversarial intentions toward Baghdad. Whether these portrayals fully reflect reality is open to debate, but politically they shape public perceptions. Such narratives can make cooperation with the KDP politically sensitive for Iraqi actors who must also consider domestic public opinion.

This creates an asymmetric political environment. While the PUK often benefits from longstanding relationships with influential Shiite parties dating back to the post-2003 political order, the KDP must work harder to overcome entrenched perceptions before expanding similar networks.

Importantly, the PUK's strategy does not necessarily rely on dramatic diplomatic breakthroughs. Instead, it appears to focus on incremental confidence-building measures. Humanitarian engagement during Arbaeen, participation in national commemorations, institutional cooperation, and continuous dialogue all contribute to a gradual process of relationship-building that may yield long-term political dividends.

From a strategic perspective, these seemingly modest initiatives can have significant implications. Political legitimacy in Iraq is influenced not only by electoral strength but also by perceptions of national partnership. A Kurdish party that is viewed by Shiite communities as cooperative and respectful may enjoy greater flexibility during future negotiations over federal budgets, security coordination, energy policy, and constitutional disputes.

This is particularly relevant as Baghdad and Erbil continue to navigate recurring disagreements over oil revenues, customs, public-sector salaries, and the management of natural resources. Informal political goodwill can often ease negotiations even when formal institutional disagreements remain unresolved.

The KDP is unlikely to ignore these developments. As Iraq's political landscape evolves, the party may increasingly invest in its own forms of public diplomacy and community outreach across central and southern Iraq. Humanitarian initiatives, cultural exchanges, healthcare cooperation, educational programmes, and joint development projects could become more prominent tools in its engagement strategy.

Whether such efforts would achieve comparable success remains uncertain. Building political trust requires sustained engagement over many years, particularly in environments where historical grievances and media narratives continue to shape perceptions. Soft power cannot quickly replace political disagreements, but it can gradually soften them.

For observers of Iraqi politics, the Karbala initiative serves as a reminder that influence is not determined solely by parliamentary seats, cabinet positions, or security capabilities. Increasingly, it is also shaped by the ability to connect with communities, demonstrate solidarity during nationally significant events, and cultivate relationships beyond traditional political arenas.

The PUK appears to recognise that humanitarian diplomacy can complement conventional politics. By embedding itself within Iraq's social fabric through visible acts of public service, it seeks to reinforce an image of partnership that extends beyond Kurdish constituencies. In doing so, it may be gaining strategic advantages that become most apparent during future periods of political negotiation.

Future Implications

The broader significance of this episode lies in the changing nature of political competition between the PUK and the KDP. Rather than competing solely for influence within the Kurdistan Region, both parties are increasingly vying for legitimacy across Iraq. Success will depend not only on electoral performance or bargaining power in Baghdad but also on their ability to build trust with Iraqi society.

If the PUK continues to expand its community-based outreach while maintaining strong relationships with key Shiite political actors, it could further consolidate its position as the Kurdish party most closely integrated into Iraq's federal political system. This may provide it with greater leverage during negotiations over budgets, security arrangements, disputed territories, and constitutional reforms.

Conversely, the KDP may need to rethink its engagement strategy by complementing high-level political negotiations with broader public diplomacy and grassroots initiatives. Without addressing perceptions among Iraqi audiences, it risks finding itself at a relative disadvantage in the long-term competition for influence in Baghdad.

Ultimately, the establishment of a mobile hospital during Arbaeen is more than a humanitarian gesture. It illustrates how soft power, symbolism, and community engagement are becoming increasingly important instruments in Iraq's evolving political landscape, where winning public trust may prove just as valuable as winning political negotiations.

#PUK #KDP #Iraq #Kurdistan #Geopolitics


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