Dana Gas's Baghdad gas deal signals Iraq's slow break from Iran's energy grip

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    By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis The one-year agreement is modest in size but could reshape Iraq's gas market, strengthen the Kurdistan Region's strategic role, and gradually erode Tehran's decades-long energy leverage.  Dana Gas's one-year gas agreement with Baghdad could mark the beginning of Iraq's gradual shift away from dependence on Iranian gas while elevating the Kurdistan Region's strategic importance. For years, Iran has occupied an indispensable position in Iraq's energy sector. Every summer, when electricity demand surges, Iraqi officials have relied heavily on Iranian natural gas to keep power stations operating despite recurring supply disruptions, sanctions complications, and political tensions. That long-standing dependency may now be beginning to change. Dana Gas and Crescent Petroleum have signed an agreement with Iraq's Ministry of Electricity to supply 100 million standard cubic feet per day (100 MMscf/d) of n...

Iraqi Factions Want to Hand Over Their Weapons to the State: An Initiative or a Maneuver?


Iraq’s Iran-Backed Militias Split Apart: Five Groups Ready to Disarm as Kataib Hezbollah Defies Baghdad and Washington

By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj

Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan — 27 May 2026

As Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi forms a new government under intense US pressure, major Shiite armed factions appear willing to surrender weapons to the Iraqi state — but hardline groups aligned closest to Iran are refusing, exposing deep fractures inside Iraq’s powerful militia network.

In Iraq, with the arrival of a new government led by Ali al-Zaidi, there is talk of five Iraqi factions intending to disarm and hand over their weapons to the state, while two factions, al-Nujaba and Kataib Hezbollah, refuse.

Iraq... Five Factions Move to Disarm, Two Refuse: In Response to US Conditions

Sources close to the "Coordination Framework" forces and the factions operating under its umbrella report that five armed factions do not object to disarming and handing over their weapons to the Iraqi government authorities, while two factions refuse to take such a step. This is seen as a response to US conditions regarding the disarmament of pro-Iranian factions and preventing their representatives from reaching high-ranking government positions in the new government of Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

According to sources, the factions moving towards disarming are Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais al-Khazali, and the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, in addition to Kata'ib Sayyid al-Shuhada, Kata'ib Thaar Allah, and Kata'ib al-Imam Ali. These factions are subject to US sanctions, with the exception of the Badr Organization.

Among the factions refusing to disarm are Harakat al-Nujaba and Kata'ib Hezbollah, both of which are listed on US sanctions and terrorism lists.

On Saturday, Health Minister and former Secretary-General of the Virtue Party, Abdul-Hussein al-Moussawi, confirmed in press statements that some factions had agreed to disarm.

Ten days prior, General David Petraeus, the former director of the CIA, visited Iraq and held talks believed to be related to the issue of factional weapons with the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Faiq Zaidan, the Speaker of Parliament, Haibat al-Halbousi, the Minister of the Interior, and other officials.

Despite ongoing discussions about the readiness of some factions to disarm, ambiguity still surrounds the method by which this will be accomplished, especially since most of these factions are affiliated with the official Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Informed sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the process might be "linked to specific and clear negotiations conducted by representatives of the factions with the American side, which opposes their participation in the government. This means they might stipulate disarmament as a condition for continuing the political process and obtaining government positions."

A Contributing Factors

Researcher and expert on Shiite political Islamist groups, Nizar Haidar, believes that the disarmament file "does not appear easy at all." It is complex for reasons "including the cumulative effect over many years, which has produced this unchecked expansion of factions at the expense of the state and its constitutional institutions, in addition to Tehran's strong and deep influence on this issue, an influence that Iran will not relinquish easily." However, Haider told Asharq Al-Awsat that many factors could help resolve the thorny issue of the factions' weapons, including "the clear and explicit opinion of the Najaf religious authority on this matter, which helps the government and the state resolve this issue by stripping the factions of the alleged religious legitimacy they use to justify keeping their weapons outside the authority of the state."

He also pointed to the Prime Minister's government program, where "the issue of restricting weapons to the state and enforcing the law was given top priority in the government program on which he received the confidence of the Council of Representatives."

Haider noted that "the Supreme Judicial Council, through its president, Judge Faiq Zaidan, has taken a more than one clear and unambiguous stance and statement on the issue, calling for restricting weapons to the state and vowing to take all legal measures against those who reject this principle."

In addition to the aforementioned reasons, Haider pointed to "the determination shown by the United States and its desire to help the Iraqi government resolve the issue of the factions, especially regarding its absolute refusal to allow their participation in al-Zaidi's government unless they first disarm and disband their armed formations." A Temporary Tactic

Academic and head of the Center for Political Thought, Ihsan al-Shammari, views the factions' acceptance of disarmament as a "temporary tactic."

Al-Shammari told Asharq Al-Awsat, "Accepting disarmament or disarmament, whatever its label, does not fall within the framework of ending the phenomenon of weapons as much as it can be seen as a tactical, temporary measure. The factions do not want, at this time, to confront the United States or President Trump, who has shown great determination to address the issue of weapons outside the framework of the state, whether in Lebanon or Iraq."

Al-Shammari believes that the factions' acceptance of disarmament "does not represent a firm conviction or indicate these groups' belief in the state, the constitution, and the rule of law. Rather, it points to internal political calculations, as well as regional calculations related to the American-Iranian conflict, in addition to a belief in the theory of minimizing losses at this stage of the regional conflict."

Al-Shammari does not rule out that Iran's retreat in the face of American demands will have a significant impact on pushing allied factions in Iraq to disarm and accept the minimum conditions for remaining involved in political and governmental activities.

Al-Shammari stated that Iran's retreat from some of its previous principles or doctrine regarding non-negotiation with America has seeped into the Iraqi factions. The objective is the survival of the regime in Iran and the survival of its allies in Iraq.

Regarding the Prime Minister's ability to implement the provisions of his political program related to disarming the factions, Al-Shammari believes that the Al-Zaidi government is well aware of this mindset among the armed factions, meaning it is reluctantly accepting it. He does not rule out the possibility that the Al-Zaidi government is compelled to move towards Tehran's path, because the Iranians hold the key to the factions and their weapons.

#Iraq #Iran #MiddleEast #KataibHezbollah #PMF #HashdAlShaabi #Baghdad #USIran #Geopolitics #Kurdistan #AliAlZaidi #IraqPolitics #Militias #BreakingNews

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