Kurdish Policy Analysis

Understanding East Kurdistan requires looking beyond politics alone. Geography, religion, and social structures have long shaped the influence of Kurdish parties, and these realities continue to define the region's political landscape amid Iran's evolving internal and regional dynamics.

An analysis of East Kurdistan's political and religious geography, examining how geography, sectarian identity, and Kurdish political movements shape Iran's Kurdish regions.

The Political and Religious Geography of East Kurdistan: Where Do Kurdish Forces Fit into Iran's Changing Equation?

To understand the political dynamics of East Kurdistan (Iranian Kurdistan), one must first understand its geography. Like the Kurdish regions of Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, the influence of Kurdish political parties in East Kurdistan has never been evenly distributed. Instead, their presence has historically reflected the geography, tribal composition, religious identity, and social structures of different Kurdish regions.

This geographical reality continues to shape Kurdish politics today. While national identity remains a unifying factor, political loyalties often vary from one region to another depending on historical experiences, local leadership, and religious affiliation.

The Geographic Distribution of Kurdish Political Parties

The position of Kurdish political parties across East Kurdistan can broadly be understood as follows:

1. Mukriyan Region (Mahabad, Bokan, Sardasht and Oshnavieh/Shino)

The Mukriyan region remains one of the most important historical centres of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (PDKI).

The cities of Mahabad, Bokan, Sardasht, and Oshnavieh have traditionally served as the party's strongest political and social base. Mahabad's symbolic importance, as the capital of the short-lived Republic of Mahabad in 1946, continues to reinforce the region's central role in Kurdish political consciousness.

2. Sanandaj (Sanaa) and Marivan

Historically, Sanandaj and Marivan were regarded as the principal strongholds of the Komala.

Although Komala played a major role during previous decades, particularly following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, its organisational influence has gradually weakened. Today, while the party maintains a political presence, it no longer exercises the same level of influence it once enjoyed across the region.

3. Kermanshah and Ilam (Shiite Kurdish Regions)

The southern Kurdish provinces of Kermanshah and Ilam, where most Kurds follow Ja'fari Shi'a Islam, have increasingly become the principal social base of the Kurdistan Free Life Party.

Unlike many traditional Kurdish parties whose influence has been strongest in predominantly Sunni regions, PJAK has invested considerable effort in expanding its presence among Shiite Kurdish communities where Kurdish nationalist mobilisation has historically been less pronounced.

4. Urmia Region

The Urmia area has likewise witnessed increasing activity by PJAK.

The region's ethnic diversity—including Kurdish and Azeri populations—has made it strategically important. PJAK has sought to expand its influence in areas where questions of Kurdish identity, religious affiliation, and regional politics intersect.

The Religious Geography of East Kurdistan

Religion represents another important layer of East Kurdistan's political landscape. While Kurdish identity remains a common denominator, religious diversity has influenced social organisation, political mobilisation, and historical alliances.

First: Sunni-Majority Cities (Shafi'i School)

Sunni Kurdish communities are concentrated primarily in the northern and central parts of East Kurdistan, particularly within the historic regions of Ardalan and Mukriyan.

Major Sunni-majority cities include:

• Sanandaj (Sanaa): Widely regarded as the cultural capital of East Kurdistan.
• Mahabad: The historic political heart of Kurdish nationalism in Iran.
• Bokan: A major agricultural and industrial centre with an overwhelmingly Sunni Kurdish population.
• Saqiz: One of the oldest Kurdish cities, historically associated with Sunni Kurdish society.
• Baneh: An important commercial and border city.
• Marivan: Located near Lake Zarivar, Marivan has long been recognised as an important centre of the Naqshbandi and Qadiri Sunni Sufi traditions.

Second: Shiite-Majority Cities (Ja'fari)

The southern Kurdish regions contain the largest concentration of Shiite Kurds in Iran.

Key cities include:

• Kermanshah: The largest Kurdish-majority city in Iran and the political centre of Shiite Kurdish society.
• Ilam: An overwhelmingly Shiite Kurdish province with strong tribal and family links to Iraqi Kurdish communities in Wasit and Diyala.
• Bojnord: Located in northeastern Iran (Khorasan), serving as a centre for the Kurdish Shiite communities of Khorasan.
• Bijar: Administratively part of Kurdistan Province but with a predominantly Shiite population.
• Qorveh: A religiously mixed city where Shiite Kurds constitute a significant community.
• Qasr-e Shirin: A strategically important border city adjacent to Iraq with a Shiite Kurdish majority.

Third: Yarsan (Ahl-e Haqq) Communities

East Kurdistan is also home to followers of the Yarsan (Ahl-e Haqq) faith, one of the region's oldest indigenous religious traditions.

Important centres include:

• Dalahoo: Considered one of the principal spiritual centres of the Yarsan community.
• Kangavar (Western Kermanshah region): Home to important Yarsan communities.
• Sahneh: A city characterised by a mixture of Yarsan and Shiite populations and known for its religious heritage.

The Yarsan community occupies a unique position within Kurdish society, maintaining distinct religious traditions while contributing to the broader Kurdish cultural identity.

Fourth: Mixed Cities

Several urban centres display significant ethnic and religious diversity.

Among the most notable are:

• Urmia: A multi-ethnic city where Sunni Kurds live alongside predominantly Shiite Azeris.
• Naqadeh: A mixed city shared by Sunni Kurdish and Shiite Azeri communities.

These mixed areas often reflect broader demographic and political complexities found across northwestern Iran.

Why Geography Still Matters

The political geography of East Kurdistan demonstrates that Kurdish politics cannot be understood solely through party structures or ideology.

Regional identities, tribal networks, religious affiliations, historical experiences, and socio-economic conditions continue to shape political behaviour.

This diversity also explains why no single Kurdish political movement has succeeded in establishing universal influence across all parts of East Kurdistan.

Instead, Kurdish political competition has evolved differently in Mukriyan, Ardalan, Kermanshah, Ilam, and Urmia.

Implications for Iran and the Kurdish Question

The religious and political diversity of East Kurdistan presents both opportunities and challenges for Kurdish political movements.

On one hand, this diversity reflects the richness of Kurdish society.

On the other, it complicates efforts to build unified political strategies capable of representing all Kurdish communities equally.

For Tehran, these regional differences have historically provided opportunities to manage Kurdish politics through differentiated policies toward various provinces and communities.

For Kurdish parties, however, future influence may depend upon their ability to transcend historical regional strongholds and develop broader political platforms capable of appealing across sectarian, tribal, and geographic divisions.

As Iran itself undergoes demographic, economic, and political transformation, the strategic importance of East Kurdistan is likely to increase. Understanding its internal geography will therefore remain essential not only for analysing Kurdish politics but also for assessing Iran's wider domestic stability and regional security dynamics.

The political geography of East Kurdistan should also be understood within the wider regional transformations affecting Kurdish politics across the Middle East. In our previous analysis, "The World Order Is Quietly Falling Apart," we examined how shifting international alliances, the rise of middle powers, and declining confidence in the post-Cold War order are reshaping the strategic environment in which the Kurdish question now operates. As global powers increasingly prioritise state stability over decentralised actors, Kurdish political movements face new challenges in adapting to an evolving geopolitical landscape.

Readers may also wish to explore our earlier article, "Is Iraqi Kurdistan Losing Its Place in Washington and Baghdad?", which analyses how changing U.S. strategy, Baghdad's growing centralisation, and internal Kurdish political fragmentation are affecting the Kurdistan Region's influence. Together with East Kurdistan's political and religious geography, these developments reveal a broader regional trend: Kurdish politics is entering a new era where internal cohesion, institutional strength, and strategic adaptation may prove more decisive than constitutional guarantees or historical alliances alone.

Future Implications

Several trends are likely to shape the future political landscape of East Kurdistan:

• Kurdish political parties may seek to broaden their appeal beyond traditional geographic strongholds.
• Sectarian diversity will continue to influence political mobilisation and voting patterns.
• Tehran is likely to maintain differentiated governance strategies across Sunni, Shiite, and Yarsan-majority areas.
• Border provinces such as Kermanshah, Urmia, and Baneh will remain strategically significant due to their links with Iraq and Türkiye.
• Any major political changes inside Iran could reshape the balance of influence among Kurdish parties and redefine East Kurdistan's role in the country's future political order.

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