دیناری عێڕاقی دووەم خراپترین دراوی جیهان بووە لە ٢٠٢٦ دا
Iranian military preparations, Iraq tensions, Hormuz pressure and regional security developments intensify across the Middle East.
Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj
28 September 2026
The regional security environment on 28 September is marked by simultaneous military preparations, domestic pressure, maritime tensions and political confrontation across Iran, Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Israel. Iran has increased the frequency and intensity of official messaging while also taking measures involving shelters, essential supplies, transportation, fuel and domestic financing. At the same time, reported US military movements involve Israel, the United Kingdom and Italy. These developments are occurring alongside tensions over the Strait of Hormuz, demonstrations in Iraq, armed incidents in Syria, continued fighting between Yemen and Saudi Arabia, and renewed controversy surrounding Israel and the Palestinian territories.
The significance of the current environment lies not in any single announcement but in the number of separate security, political and economic developments occurring simultaneously. Government statements, military movements, infrastructure measures and public protests are creating a regional picture in which military preparedness and domestic resilience are increasingly discussed together. Lebanon remains a separate area of analysis.
Iranian preparations extend beyond public statements. Tehran's governor announced that more than 200 locations had been identified and rehabilitated as shelters or safe spaces. Officials described essential-goods stocks as satisfactory while identifying transportation and fuel-supply problems requiring additional measures. Radan called for preparations for the enemy's worst-case scenario, preventive action and repairs to defensive structures.
First Vice-President Mohammad Reza Aref separately ordered the preparation of a comprehensive financing and subsidy package for 75 million people within one week. The measures address several areas of domestic resilience, including shelter, supplies, transportation and household livelihoods. Their scope indicates that preparations are being considered not only in military terms but also in relation to the continuity of civilian life.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated that Iran was fully prepared if war resumed and would resist renewed aggression. At the same time, he said the Iranian delegation had travelled to New York to pursue peace rather than war. The Ayatollah's message similarly combined national resilience with a defence of the Strait of Hormuz and warned that opposing forces would eventually leave the Arabian Sea.
Other Iranian political statements have focused more directly on pressure and timing. Parliamentary adviser Majid Shokri advocated maintaining or increasing pressure before the US midterm elections, arguing that negotiations that relieved economic pressure on Washington would benefit President Donald Trump. Parliamentary National Security and Foreign Policy Committee member Ebrahim Rezaei accused regional governments of encouraging and financing another war and warned that their palaces could become targets.
Former Iranian officials have separately called for ending cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and taking steps towards withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. No government decision to withdraw from the treaty was announced in the material reviewed.
Taken together, the measures show that Tehran's official response encompasses military preparedness, civil protection, economic support and increasingly forceful political messaging. These are distinct components of Iran's response and should not be treated as interchangeable.
The Strait of Hormuz remains a central point of Iranian military and political messaging. Admiral Habibollah Sayyari described a division of responsibility in which the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy operates in the strait, its western approaches and the Persian Gulf, while the regular navy operates in the eastern approaches and northern Indian Ocean. US statements have disputed the Iranian description.
Further reporting described explosions near Hormuz and Iranian action against vessels allegedly violating navigation restrictions. The reports reviewed did not identify the vessels involved or establish the damage or final outcomes of those incidents.
Iran also announced the recovery of an American Mk 18 Mod 2 Kingfish unmanned underwater vehicle based on the REMUS 600 platform. The available material does not establish whether this represented a separate recovery or further identification of a previously reported vehicle. It therefore should not automatically be treated as an additional capture.
The reported passage of 19 Saudi tankers through the wider maritime environment remains an unresolved issue. Subsequent ship-to-ship transfers near Oman, India or Malaysia can explain the redistribution of cargo after departure, but do not by themselves establish the circumstances under which the vessels passed through Hormuz.
Energy pressure is developing alongside these maritime developments. Brent crude was reported at approximately $108–109 per barrel, while Qatar reportedly extended force majeure on LNG shipments to Asia and Europe for another month. Saudi Arabia's East–West pipeline provides an alternative export route, although domestic requirements constrain the volume available for international markets.
The dispute over restrictions on Iranian flights has generated political and public reactions across Iraq. Religious travel between Iran and the Iraqi cities of Najaf and Karbala forms an important component of the bilateral relationship. Iraq's ambassador to Iran announced that Najaf would receive Iranian flights again within 24 hours. That announcement concerned Najaf specifically and did not establish that all aviation restrictions nationwide had already been removed.
Demonstrations and sit-ins were reported in Najaf, Karbala, Nasiriyah in Dhi Qar and Diwaniyah. Some gatherings displayed Iranian flags and portraits of Qasem Soleimani. Al-Nujaba criticised the restrictions as submission to US pressure and threatened further mobilisation unless the decision was reconsidered.
The aviation dispute illustrates the extent to which the wider confrontation involving Iran, Iraq and the United States is affecting areas beyond conventional security policy. Religious travel, civil aviation and political mobilisation have become connected to broader questions surrounding Iraqi sovereignty and external pressure.
Separate security incidents have also been reported around the Kurdistan Region. Attacks involving anti-Iranian Kurdish armed groups around Erbil were attributed to the IRGC. A landmine explosion in Choman district of Erbil province was reported to have injured one person, although responsibility for that incident was not established.
Another allegation accused Flydubai of transporting weapons and logistics to Erbil under passenger-flight documentation. The material reviewed did not provide cargo manifests or equivalent documentation establishing the allegation.
Domestic economic and social grievances are developing in parallel. Contract workers protested over unpaid salaries in Basra, while education-related protesters in Anbar demanded action over employment complaints that had remained unresolved for more than a year.
These developments represent separate political, security and socioeconomic pressures inside Iraq. Their simultaneous appearance is an important feature of the current environment, even though the available reporting does not establish a common cause connecting them.
In northwestern Syria, Abu Mohammed al-Irani, described as a former Hayat Tahrir al-Sham commander, was reportedly assassinated inside his home in Kafr Takharim in Idlib province. Responsibility for the killing remains unidentified.
Hayat Tahrir al-Sham was the armed Islamist organisation led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, previously known as Abu Mohammed al-Jolani. Its organisational history includes Jabhat al-Nusra and subsequent mergers and restructuring. The killing therefore represents another unresolved armed incident within an environment where armed actors and political structures remain closely intertwined.
At Qamishli, preparatory work began at the border crossing with Turkey, including excavation, levelling and preparation of freight yards and service roads. Some reporting has linked such infrastructure activity to broader regional economic and energy projects, but the available construction announcement does not itself establish a connection with a Mediterranean pipeline project.
Fuel tankers were reported arriving at petrol stations in Latakia, while separate reporting described continued loading and dispatch of petrol tankers towards Iraq. The voluntary return of 265 families from northern camps to several Syrian provinces was also announced.
Other reported incidents remained unresolved. No new material clarified the Andan vehicle explosion, the al-Kashma killing or the failure of the Tabqa–al-Bawab electricity line.
The Syrian picture therefore combines unresolved security incidents with infrastructure activity, fuel movements and population returns. These developments belong to different sectors and should be assessed separately rather than treated as evidence of a single coordinated process.
Iran's relationship with Pakistan remains an important component of Tehran's regional economic environment. Expanding cross-border trade provides Pakistan with another economic connection while Islamabad continues to maintain its established relationship with Saudi Arabia.
Pakistan's accommodation of this trade therefore has significance for the bilateral relationship with Iran. Tehran is simultaneously managing economic relations on its eastern border and confronting political and military pressure elsewhere in the region.
The available material supports an assessment of an active Iranian-Pakistani economic relationship, but does not establish that particular trade measures are designed to reduce Saudi influence or serve a specific Iranian strategic objective.
Fighting between Yemen and Saudi Arabia remains active. Repeated missile launches towards Saudi Arabia were reported alongside alerts and explosions in Jizan and Najran. Explosions were also reported in Yanbu, although their cause was not identified.
Saudi aircraft reportedly struck Al-Rawd school in Al-Taiziyah, Taiz, for a third time, destroying what remained of the facility. Further attacks against residential areas were reported. In Al-Maafir, a strike against a house reportedly killed three women and an elderly man and injured three others.
Saudi airstrikes and missile or artillery fire were also reported in Al-Dhahir district of Saada. On the ground, Yemeni forces were reported advancing on fronts in Lahj and Taiz. A separate battlefield report claimed that ten Saudi-backed fighters were killed on the Al-Aghbarah front.
Mohammed al-Farah rejected allegations concerning attacks on holy sites and accused Saudi Arabia of using fears concerning Mecca, Medina and civilian aviation to obtain international backing for intervention. He described Yemeni operations as defensive responses to the blockade and said strategic military facilities, rather than holy sites, were being targeted.
These statements represent competing accounts of the conflict and should be distinguished from independently established facts. The material reviewed did not establish a documented attack on a civilian aircraft. Yemen and Saudi Arabia therefore remain engaged in active military confrontation, with competing claims surrounding the nature and justification of operations.
Ben Gvir's reported entry into Al-Aqsa Mosque and statements concerning Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem added another point of political and religious tension during an already volatile period. An airstrike was also reported in Nuseirat, although the material reviewed did not provide a casualty figure.
A separate controversy continued over alleged Egyptian and Emirati warnings before 7 October. Netanyahu's office and a former intelligence official denied the allegations. The dispute remains part of the broader Israeli domestic debate surrounding responsibility, intelligence and the events preceding the 7 October attack.
The emergence of Harakat Yahya, a group named after the late Yahya Sinwar, has also attracted attention. The group sought international supporters and threatened retaliation outside the immediate conflict zone, while publishing a list of intended targets. Its membership, operational capabilities and organisational relationship with Hamas remain unestablished in the material reviewed.
Claims concerning Sinwar's decision-making and the extent of knowledge among other Hamas or Hezbollah figures remain matters of interpretation rather than established facts. The available material does not provide sufficient evidence to establish the internal decision-making process behind the 7 October attack.
Reported US military movements involve Israel, the United Kingdom and Italy. Six F-16 aircraft and a KC-135 were reported travelling from Aviano towards Ovda, while a C-17 was reported at Ovda. Twelve F-35 aircraft accompanied by five tankers were reported travelling from the United States towards Lakenheath.
Another group of twelve F-35 aircraft travelling from the CENTCOM area towards Lakenheath was reportedly diverted to Aviano. These reports place US military aircraft and support assets across several European and Middle Eastern locations, although individual transfers and rotations do not necessarily represent a net increase in forces at each destination.
The USS Theodore Roosevelt was also reported departing San Diego for a Middle East deployment, potentially replacing another carrier. Separately, a newly circulated account described eight US Marines as having been injured in an Iranian cruise-missile attack against a vessel approximately two weeks earlier. That account concerns an earlier incident rather than a new attack during the 28 September reporting window.
The regional picture on 28 September is defined by overlapping military preparations, domestic resilience measures, maritime restrictions, economic pressure and political mobilisation. Iran is simultaneously addressing civil preparedness, economic continuity and military messaging. Iraq is dealing with aviation restrictions, demonstrations, armed incidents and socioeconomic grievances, while Syria continues to experience unresolved violence alongside infrastructure and population movements.
Yemen and Saudi Arabia remain engaged in active fighting, while developments involving Israel, Al-Aqsa and Palestinian armed groups continue to add political and security pressure. US military movements across Israel, the United Kingdom and Italy constitute another significant component of the current regional security environment.
The central analytical point is therefore the breadth of the pressure visible across multiple theatres. Military activity, domestic preparedness, energy markets, maritime security, political mobilisation and social grievances are all present at the same time. The available evidence, however, does not justify reducing these developments to a single explanation or treating separate incidents as components of one established process.
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