Abdul El-Sayed defies $60 Million campaign against him, wins Michigan Democratic Senate Primary

Image
  By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis Despite massive spending by outside groups and high-profile endorsements for his opponent, Abdul El-Sayed secured a decisive Democratic Senate primary victory and now heads into a closely watched November showdown. Abdul El-Sayed has scored one of the most closely watched political upsets of the 2026 election cycle, defeating Representative Haley Stevens in Michigan's Democratic Senate primary despite facing more than $60 million in outside spending , much of it from pro-Israel political groups. The victory marks a significant breakthrough for the progressive wing of the Democratic Party and sets up a high-stakes general election contest against Republican Mike Rogers in November. El-Sayed's campaign prevailed even after Stevens received late endorsements from Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer and influential national Democrats, including Representative James Clyburn . Those endorsements failed to reverse momentum behind El-S...

Baghdad’s Quiet Centralization Campaign Is Reshaping Iraqi Kurdistan


Oil, salaries, customs, and political paralysis are pushing the Kurdistan Region toward its most dangerous constitutional crisis since 2003

By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj

Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan — 22 May 2026

As divisions between the KDP and PUK deepen, Baghdad is steadily reclaiming economic and political leverage over the Kurdistan Region — raising fears that Iraqi Kurdish autonomy is being hollowed out not by war, but by financial dependency and internal fragmentation.

Baghdad is expanding its control over Iraqi Kurdistan through oil, salary, customs, and legal disputes as internal Kurdish divisions weaken the KRG’s negotiating power, raising fears over the future of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq.

For much of the past two decades, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq appeared to be one of the Middle East’s rare success stories: a semi-autonomous enclave with its own parliament, armed forces, foreign investors, and independent oil exports.

Today, that autonomy is under mounting pressure — not through tanks crossing into Erbil, but through court rulings, salary controls, oil infrastructure, customs systems, and the political fragmentation of Kurdish parties themselves.

The question increasingly being whispered in Iraqi political circles is no longer whether Baghdad and Erbil are in dispute. That has been the norm since 2003. The more consequential question is whether the very foundations of Kurdish self-rule are slowly being dismantled through a gradual process of economic and administrative centralization.

A recent analysis report captured the growing anxiety among Kurdish analysts who believe the Kurdistan Region may be entering a historic turning point.

The Crisis Is No Longer Military — It Is Financial

For years, Kurdish autonomy was primarily measured through territorial control and military capability. The Peshmerga’s role in defeating ISIS reinforced the image of the Kurdistan Region as a powerful semi-independent actor with strategic importance to Washington and the wider West.

But the balance of power has changed.

The defining battleground today is economic sovereignty.

Baghdad has steadily expanded its leverage over the Kurdistan Region by targeting the pillars that sustain the KRG’s autonomy: oil exports, salary transfers, border revenues, and banking systems.

The transformation accelerated after the international arbitration ruling in 2023 that forced Turkey to halt the Kurdistan Region’s independent oil exports through the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline. That decision fundamentally altered the relationship between Erbil and Baghdad.

For nearly a decade, the KRG used independent oil exports as the backbone of its economic autonomy. Baghdad opposed the arrangement but lacked the practical means to fully stop it. The arbitration ruling changed that dynamic overnight.

By 2025, exports resumed only after a fragile settlement that placed Kurdish crude sales under the authority of Iraq’s State Oil Marketing Organization (SOMO), dramatically reducing Erbil’s control over its own energy sector.

The KRG’s Ministry of Natural Resources — once the symbol of Kurdish economic independence — increasingly appeared subordinate to federal structures.

Salaries Became Baghdad’s Most Powerful Weapon

Nothing illustrates the shift in power more clearly than salaries.

Approximately 1.2 million people in the Kurdistan Region depend directly or indirectly on public sector wages and pensions. Baghdad’s ability to delay, reduce, or condition these payments has transformed salary transfers into a strategic pressure tool.

This has created a dangerous political reality for Kurdish parties.

The legitimacy of the KRG is now judged less by nationalist rhetoric and more by whether citizens receive salaries on time.

Public anger over delayed wages has repeatedly triggered protests across the Region since 2020. What was once framed as a constitutional dispute between Erbil and Baghdad has become deeply personal for ordinary citizens struggling with inflation, debt, and economic uncertainty.

This is the hidden political revolution underway in Iraqi Kurdistan: autonomy is increasingly being measured not through flags and speeches, but through payroll reliability.

And Baghdad understands this perfectly.

Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi reportedly reassured Kurdish leaders in May that salaries would continue under his government — a statement welcomed in Erbil but also interpreted by many Kurdish analysts as evidence of the Region’s growing dependency on Baghdad’s approval.

Kurdish Disunity Is Accelerating Baghdad’s Advance

The crisis cannot be understood without examining the widening rift between the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.

The KDP and PUK once maintained an uneasy strategic partnership that allowed Kurdish autonomy to function despite internal rivalry. That framework now appears increasingly fragile.

The KDP believes its electoral dominance entitles it to greater control over the Kurdistan Region’s institutions. The PUK, meanwhile, seeks to reassert itself as an equal partner after years of political decline.

The result is paralysis.

Nearly two years after parliamentary elections, the Kurdistan Region still struggles to form a new government. Negotiations over ministries, power-sharing, and security authority remain stalled.

Baghdad has exploited this vacuum with growing sophistication.

Instead of confronting Kurdish autonomy directly, Iraqi federal actors are increasingly dealing separately with Kurdish parties, deepening internal competition while weakening Erbil’s collective bargaining power.

The PUK’s decision to secure Iraq’s federal presidency through alliances with Shiite and Sunni blocs — without prior Kurdish consensus — infuriated the KDP and intensified mistrust between the two parties.

This fragmentation allows Baghdad to gradually centralize authority while presenting each step as administrative reform rather than political confrontation.

The Customs Dispute Reveals the Bigger Strategy

Oil is not the only battlefield.

Customs revenues and border crossings are becoming another critical front in the struggle over Kurdish autonomy.

Baghdad has pushed for deeper federal oversight of customs systems, arguing that fragmented collection methods and inconsistent tariffs undermine state revenue. Kurdish officials, however, increasingly see the process as part of a broader strategy to absorb the Region’s independent economic mechanisms into federal structures.

Reports from traders and analysts indicate that commerce is already being rerouted away from Kurdistan Region border crossings toward federal Iraqi routes to avoid double taxation and bureaucratic disputes.

If sustained, this trend could gradually erode one of the KRG’s most important sources of non-oil revenue.

The danger for Erbil is not sudden collapse.

It is slow institutional suffocation.

Is Iraqi Kurdistan Drifting Toward Internal Partition?

Some Kurdish analysts now fear an even more dramatic scenario: the eventual fragmentation of the Kurdistan Region itself.

Under this possibility, Erbil and Sulaimaniyah would evolve into effectively separate federal entities with independent relationships to Baghdad.

This would not require formal partition or military conflict.

Instead, it could emerge through administrative divergence, competing financial arrangements, separate political alliances, and deepening mistrust between the KDP and PUK.

Such a development would fundamentally reshape Kurdish politics in Iraq.

The Kurdistan Region’s strength historically depended on presenting itself as a unified constitutional entity within the Iraqi federal system. If that unity collapses, Baghdad’s leverage increases exponentially.

For many Kurdish intellectuals, this represents the greatest threat to Kurdish self-rule since the aftermath of the 2017 independence referendum, when Baghdad reasserted control over Kirkuk and other disputed territories.

The Kurdish Question Has Entered a New Era

The defining struggle facing Iraqi Kurdistan today is no longer about independence.

It is about survival within federal Iraq.

The irony is profound.

For years, Kurdish leaders feared military confrontation with Baghdad. Instead, the more transformative challenge emerged through legal rulings, budget mechanisms, energy infrastructure, and internal political fragmentation.

Baghdad no longer needs to dismantle Kurdish autonomy by force.

It may simply wait for Kurdish divisions and economic dependency to accomplish the task indirectly.

The next few years could determine whether the Kurdistan Region adapts to this new reality through reform, compromise, and institutional unity — or whether Kurdish autonomy gradually evolves into a far narrower form of self-administration than the one envisioned after 2003.

The danger for the Kurdish leadership is that history rarely announces the end of political eras dramatically.

Sometimes autonomy disappears slowly, one salary transfer, one court ruling, and one internal dispute at a time.

#Kurdistan #Iraq #KRG #Baghdad #MiddleEast #Geopolitics


Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Lindsey Graham Passing Reshapes Republican Foreign Policy—and Raises Questions for the Kurds

Lindsey Graham's Death Leaves a Void in US-Kurdish Relations

Can the stateless Nation of Kurdistan help save the Global Order?