Kurdistan’s Political Crisis: How the KDP–PUK Power Struggle Threatens Regional Autonomy and Strategic Stability
By Dr. Pshtiwan Faraj | Kurdish Policy Analysis
The Kurdistan Region's worsening petrol crisis is increasingly evolving from an economic issue into a constitutional and political dispute between Erbil and Baghdad.
Following days of fuel shortages, long queues at petrol stations, and government-imposed price controls, a Kurdish legal expert has accused Iraq's federal government of systematically allocating insufficient crude oil to the Kurdistan Region while continuing to subsidise fuel across the rest of Iraq through the national budget.
If accurate, the allegations raise broader questions about whether Iraq's current fuel distribution policy complies with the principles of federalism established under the Iraqi Constitution.
According to legal consultant Karzan Henareyi, the current allocation leaves the Kurdistan Region unable to satisfy domestic demand despite contributing to Iraq's sovereign budget that finances fuel subsidies nationwide.
Henareyi cites official Iraqi figures indicating that Iraq consumes approximately 1.043 million barrels of oil per day for domestic purposes.
Of that total, he says only 50,000 barrels per day are allocated to the Kurdistan Region.
According to the legal expert, this volume falls well below the Region's actual fuel requirements and has become one of the principal causes of the current petrol shortages affecting Erbil, Duhok and other parts of the Kurdistan Region.
The figures broadly align with recent statements from officials within the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), who have similarly argued that domestic allocations are insufficient to meet regional consumption.
Henareyi's central argument concerns the financing of Iraq's fuel subsidy system.
According to his analysis, the Iraqi government spends substantially more producing petrol than consumers ultimately pay at filling stations, with the difference covered through Iraq's sovereign budget.
He states that:
According to Henareyi, these subsidies cost the federal government approximately 46 trillion Iraqi dinars annually.
His argument is that because the Kurdistan Region contributes to Iraq's sovereign finances through deductions from its constitutional budget share, Kurdish citizens are effectively helping finance subsidised fuel across Iraq while receiving significantly fewer benefits at home.
At the heart of the debate lies a broader constitutional issue rather than simply fuel pricing.
Henareyi argues that if subsidised fuel is financed from Iraq's sovereign budget, then every Iraqi citizen—including those living in the Kurdistan Region—should benefit equally from that subsidy.
His argument challenges comparisons frequently made between Baghdad's lower petrol prices and the higher prices historically charged within the Kurdistan Region.
According to the legal expert, those comparisons ignore the fact that Baghdad's pricing system is supported by nationwide public funds rather than purely commercial market mechanisms.
If his interpretation is accepted, the issue becomes one of equal treatment within Iraq's federal framework rather than merely regional pricing policy.
The allegations emerge against the backdrop of increasingly strained relations between Erbil and Baghdad over energy policy.
Since the suspension of Kurdish oil exports and the introduction of successive federal agreements governing production, both governments have continued to disagree over revenue-sharing, budget transfers, domestic consumption quotas, and constitutional authority over natural resources.
The current fuel shortage therefore represents only one aspect of a much larger dispute that has shaped relations between Iraq's federal government and the Kurdistan Region for years.
As petrol shortages intensify, technical disagreements over allocation volumes are increasingly becoming political disputes over federal obligations.
Henareyi also alleged widespread corruption within Iraq's Ministry of Oil, referring to former Deputy Oil Minister and former Baiji Refinery Director Adnan Al-Jumaili.
He claimed that the former official accumulated substantial wealth during his public service, including large financial assets and gold.
However, Henareyi did not present evidence supporting these allegations, and no judicial findings were cited.
At the time of publication, neither the Iraqi Ministry of Oil nor the federal government had publicly responded to either the corruption claims or the broader allegations regarding fuel allocation.
Whether Baghdad ultimately increases crude allocations may depend as much on politics as economics.
The Kurdistan Region is simultaneously negotiating federal budget transfers, oil export arrangements, and the formation of its next regional government.
Fuel shortages therefore risk reinforcing public perceptions that unresolved disputes with Baghdad continue to affect everyday life.
For businesses, transport companies, farmers, and ordinary households, the consequences are immediate.
Higher fuel prices increase operating costs across virtually every sector of the regional economy.
The debate highlights a recurring feature of post-2003 Iraqi politics: energy policy has become one of the principal instruments through which political disputes are expressed.
Rather than disagreements remaining confined to constitutional interpretation or parliamentary negotiations, they increasingly affect practical issues such as salaries, electricity generation, fuel availability, and public services.
From Erbil's perspective, insufficient crude allocations reinforce arguments that the Kurdistan Region is not receiving equitable treatment under Iraq's federal system.
From Baghdad's perspective, officials may argue that allocations are linked to broader production agreements and national energy planning.
Until both governments establish a more durable framework governing domestic consumption alongside exports and revenue-sharing, similar disputes are likely to persist.
The Kurdistan Region's fuel crisis is no longer simply about petrol shortages.
It has become part of a broader debate over constitutional rights, fiscal federalism, and the distribution of Iraq's energy wealth.
Henareyi's claims reflect growing frustration within the Kurdistan Region that while Kurdish citizens contribute to Iraq's sovereign finances, they do not receive equal access to federally subsidised energy.
Whether Baghdad accepts or rejects these criticisms, one reality is becoming increasingly clear: resolving Iraq's energy disputes will require more than technical adjustments to crude oil allocations. It will require renewed political trust between Erbil and Baghdad—trust that remains in short supply.
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