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IRGC divides country into security zones as Afghan, Pakistani, and Iraqi fighters take internal roles amid fears of uprising and foreign escalation
The alleged move comes amid heightened tensions with the United States and Israel, and fears within Tehran of renewed internal unrest following economic strain and recent military setbacks.
According to sources familiar with the plan, the IRGC has divided Iran into three internal security zones, assigning responsibility to foreign-aligned militias that previously operated outside the country.
The Fatemiyoun Brigade, composed primarily of Afghan Shiite fighters, is reportedly tasked with securing central, northern Iran, including Tehran, as well as parts of the east.
The Zainebiyoun Brigade, made up of Pakistani Shiite fighters, is said to be operating in southeastern Iran, particularly Sistan-Baluchistan and coastal areas along the Gulf of Oman.
Meanwhile, Iraqi factions—including Kataib Hezbollah Iraq, Harakat al-Nujaba, Badr Organization, Kataib Imam Ali, Sayyid al-Shuhada Brigades, and Asaib Ahl al-Haq—are reportedly deployed in western and southwestern regions such as Ahvaz, Ilam, Kermanshah, and Sanandaj.
The IRGC has not publicly confirmed the deployment plan.
What is Fatemiyoun militia?
The same sources indicate that, under the plan, the Fatemiyoun militia is tasked with operations in central Iran and parts of the east, as well as the north, including the capital Tehran. The Zainebiyoun militia is assigned security duties in eastern and southeastern Iran, in the province of Baluchistan and along its coast on the Gulf of Oman. Meanwhile, Iraqi militias are positioned, according to the plan, in Ahvaz and parts of Iranian Kurdistan, particularly in the provinces of Ilam, Kermanshah, and Sanandaj.
The militias involved were originally formed under Iran’s external operations strategy during the Syrian civil war.
The Fatemiyoun Brigade was created in 2013 under the Quds Force, led at the time by Qassem Soleimani, recruiting Afghan refugees in Iran. The Zainebiyoun Brigade later followed, composed of Pakistani Shiite fighters.
Both groups fought extensively in Syria, including battles in Aleppo, Damascus, Palmyra, and Latakia, gaining urban warfare and asymmetric combat experience.
Sources cited by Alhurra claim that after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024, elements of these militias were withdrawn into Iraq and later repositioned toward Iran through IRGC-linked logistical channels.
The reported mission inside Iran includes establishing checkpoints, protecting military infrastructure, and conducting raids against individuals suspected of links to foreign intelligence services or opposition groups.
Iranian authorities, according to the sources, are simultaneously attempting to present the groups as part of civilian support or “solidarity” initiatives to mask their security function.
In April, IRGC-linked media reportedly circulated footage showing militia participation in public motorcades in Tehran, displaying both Iranian and militia flags alongside images of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
Observers quoted in the report describe the deployment as a shift reflecting increasing pressure on Iran’s internal security structure.
Samir Yassin of the Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of Ahvaz said the militias are being integrated into semi-covert networks operating in sensitive regions such as Baluchistan, Kurdistan, and Khuzestan.
“These groups function as rapid-response forces during unrest or protests,” Yassin said, adding that the IRGC appears to be reducing reliance on regular forces.
Other analysts, including Farzin Karbasi, an Iranian Kurdish opposition figure, argue the decision reflects declining confidence in Iran’s internal military cohesion following recent regional escalation and alleged strikes on IRGC infrastructure.
“The regime is increasingly dependent on external fighters because it doubts the reliability of its own forces,” Karbasi said.
Experts say the use of foreign militias inside Iran represents a reversal of Iran’s long-standing strategy of projecting power abroad through proxy forces.
Instead of operating only in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon, these groups are now allegedly being repurposed for domestic security roles.
International analyst Amer al-Sabaileh said the deployment reflects “preparation for potential internal breakdown scenarios” if external conflict escalates.
“The concern is not only external war but internal instability triggered by it,” he said.
Critics argue that deploying foreign fighters inside Iran’s diverse ethnic regions could deepen tensions, particularly in areas with existing separatist sentiment such as Ahvaz and Baluchistan.
Opposition figures also warn that these militias, lacking local accountability structures, may operate with fewer constraints than Iranian regular forces.
“This creates a parallel security system outside social oversight,” said Salah Abu Sharif al-Ahvazi, a separatist movement leader, warning of increased risk of abuses.
While unverified independently, the reported deployment highlights Iran’s evolving security doctrine under pressure from regional confrontation and internal economic strain.
If confirmed, analysts say the move would mark a rare reversal in Iranian military strategy—bringing foreign-trained proxy forces back into the heart of the Islamic Republic to secure its own territory.
#Iran #IRGC #MiddleEast #Fatemiyoun #Zainebiyoun #KataibHezbollah #Geopolitics #Security #Ahvaz #Kurdistan #Baluchistan
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